Information Disorder is Fuelling Military Populism in West Africa
In West Africa, the recent military takeovers in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger reveal a troubling pattern reflecting a deeper shift in the region’s political culture and public perception of governance and democratic tenets. Unlike past military coups, which met with widespread condemnation and popular rejection, the recent takeovers have been greeted with jubilation, support and admiration in the offline and online spaces. Reports indicate that poor leadership, abuse of power, foreign interference in the form of neo-colonialism, and abysmal performance of democratically elected leaders have contributed to this jubilation and support for military rule.
Central to this troubling pattern is the combination of military populism and information disorder, in which the military leaders harness disinformation, misinformation, and propaganda. While these actors construct narratives that portray themselves as the true representatives of popular will and defenders of national sovereignty, the ambiguity lies in the series of tactics and rhetorics aimed at manipulating the people and shaping their views about what is normal (democracy) and what is the ‘new normal,’ (military rule). Moreover, this tempo is sustained because most narratives align with what the people have long been yearning for, i.e., good governance, African supremacy, and zero tolerance for foreign interference. So, the narratives are riding on existing bias and a bad leadership gap that has long characterised African countries.
The Waves of Military Takeover
Since the first coup in 1952—shortly after the beginning of Africa’s decolonization—that toppled King Farouk of Egypt, the continent has recorded over 100 successful coups across 35 countries. The first wave of coups (1960s–1970s) emerged from the post-independence struggle for stable governance. Many newly independent states were weakened by colonial legacies and faced fragile institutions and internal divisions. Post-independence leaders often became authoritarian, prompting military takeovers under the pretext of restoring order and national unity amid rising corruption and ethnic tensions. The second wave (1990–2001), driven by younger, mid-ranking military officers inspired by earlier coups, occurred after the Cold War, an era marked by a global shift toward democratisation. These officers criticised civilian governments for aligning with foreign interests and failing in their duties. Despite promises of reform and democratic transition, many military regimes from the second wave overstayed their welcome and contributed to long-term instability.
The current, third wave (2021–present) echoes similar justifications such as poor governance, insecurity, and corruption. It is also defined by the role of digital media in information access and manipulation. Military leaders now use social media and propaganda to sway public opinion and legitimise their actions, creating a challenging environment for rebooting democracy. Furthermore, in all of these, there are issues such as disruptive geo-political alignments and realignments. For instance, countries like Niger and Burkina Faso have severed ties with their former colonial masters and sought new partnership with Russia. Similarly, some Sahelian countries have withdrawn from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and forged a new alliance, forming the Alliance of Sahelian States (AES).
The Complexities of Information Disorder and how it is Fuelling Military Populism
Unlike the earlier waves, which were often driven by ideological convictions or geopolitical rivalries, this current wave is heavily shaped by information disorder, foreign interference, and rising anti-imperial sentiment. However, while anti-imperial rhetoric is a powerful mobilising force, it is not the root cause — it serves more as a legitimising narrative, with the real drivers being governance failures, widespread insecurity, and a strategic recalibration away from Western alliances. No doubt, these complexities have shaped the narratives, emboldened the coup plotters, and promoted military populism.
There has been a continuous spread of propaganda and disinformation on social media, largely attributed to state-controlled narratives and distorted statistics to justify military interventions and erode trust in democratic institutions. For instance, there is the narrative regarding the growing economy, with indices such as the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), revenue and purchasing power of the currency allegedly moving in positive directions since the military takeover. A viral claim on X (formerly Twitter) alleged that Burkina Faso’s GDP rose from around $18.8 billion to $22.1 billion. Although accurate, it is being peddled as though the rise is a result of the military rulers' effort while overlooking the World Bank’s (positive) projection of such growth, even before the military takeover occurred.
In another claim, it was alleged that “Gazprom, a Russian oil company, had discovered 50 billion barrels of crude oil in Burkina Faso. Due to this, Ibrahim Traoré has finally made Burkina-Faso the richest country in Africa.” However, there are no official statements or credible news reports to corroborate this viral claim, while it continues to spread across social media. In stemming the tide of misinformation, one would expect the ruling junta to clarify the issue or debunk such a discovery.
Similarly, a claim is circulated that one out of three light bulbs in France is powered by Uranium from Niger, whereas 90% of Nigeriens lack electricity. This narrative is similar to the one claiming that President Mohammed Bazoum of Niger was selling Uranium produced in the country in large quantities and exporting to foreign countries while embezzling the proceeds.
However, these narratives would have met stumbling blocks if the majority of these democratically elected and civilian leaders had not failed in their duties. Across Africa, there is a growing public dissatisfaction with democracy, increased poverty levels, and multi-faceted levels of insecurity across borders. These issues, among others, have created a vacuum which the military leaders are filling.
In deepening this narrative and increasing military populism, military rulers have deployed modern media and digital platforms to amplify their legitimacy and gain popular support while spreading false and misleading narratives. Hence, a large number of people are growing interested and showing support for military rule. This support for the undemocratic practice continues to increase and extend to other countries enjoying democratic rule.
Another instance is in Mali and Burkina Faso, where military populism is reinforced by flooding social media platforms with misleading narratives and framing the military as heroes and Messiahs, while demonising democratic rulers. This was recorded in Nigeria during the ‘End Bad Governance’ protest, where some citizens were parading Russian flags and chanting words in support of military rule in Nigeria on the premise that they are better alternatives to the existing democratic rule. The nation’s Armed Forces and Defence headquarters had to release a press statement pledging their loyalty to democratic rule.
This deliberate reinforcement of military populism through disinformation, controlled narratives, and social media manipulation has significantly weakened democratic resistance. By shaping public sentiment in favour of military regimes, these information campaigns make it increasingly difficult for domestic and international actors to mount effective pushbacks against unconstitutional takeovers. Consequently, support for military rule is not only expanding within affected states but also influencing public sentiment in other African nations, where support for coups is growing among citizens frustrated by ineffective democratic leadership.
Information Disorder and Anti-imperialism Sentiments
Another defining complexity of the third wave of military coups in Africa is the rise of anti-imperialism sentiments, playing a crucial role in shaping public opinion and legitimising military rule. Unlike the earlier waves, where coups were often tied to domestic grievances or ideological struggles between capitalism and socialism, the third wave has been heavily influenced by growing resentment toward foreign interference. Many of the military rulers who have seized power across West Africa have leveraged this sentiment, presenting themselves as defenders of national sovereignty against external exploitation and undue political control.
In countries like Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso, military leaders have capitalised on deep-seated frustrations over continued economic dependency on former colonial powers, particularly France, and the perceived failure of Western-backed democratic governments to address security challenges. In Mali, for instance, after the 2021 coup, the military government quickly severed ties with France, expelling French troops and turning to Russia’s Wagner Group for military assistance. This shift was widely supported by the public, fuelled by narratives that framed France as an imperialist power that had prolonged insecurity in the Sahel rather than solving it.
Similarly, in Niger, following the July 2023 coup, military rulers justified their takeover by pointing to France’s continued economic and military influence. Protesters took to the streets, waving Russian flags and demanding an end to French military presence, signaling a shift in public sentiment away from traditional Western alliances. This anti-imperialism sentiment has been further amplified through social media, where narratives portraying Western powers as neo-colonial exploiters have gained widespread traction. Disinformation campaigns have played a critical role in reinforcing these views, with exaggerated claims about Western-backed corruption and fabricated or overblown successes of military rule spreading across digital platforms. One of such overblown narrative is the viral tweet that Ibrahim Traore of Burkina Faso has issued an order that all elderly people in the country will no longer pay for electricity and water.
The resurgence of anti-imperialism is not just limited to Western influence; it also extends to regional bodies like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU), which are increasingly viewed as instruments of Western control rather than African-led organisations. Military leaders in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have blatantly defied ECOWAS sanctions, and accused them of being backed by foreign elites to dictate the political direction of sovereign nations and a whole region. The decision by these three countries to form the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in September 2023 was a direct response to ECOWAS pressure, signalling a broader rejection of regional and international influence perceived to be dictated by Western interests.
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Aluko Ahmad is an Assistant Programs Officer & Information Disorder Analyst at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD West Africa). His interest cuts across tech, governance, politics, international
relations and communications.